Averroės
THE GREAT MUSLIM PHILOSOPHER WHO PLANTED
THE SEEDS OF THE EUROPEAN RENAISSANCE
by Habeeb Salloum
----------------------------------------------------
Abū al-Walīd Muhammad Ibn Rushd, better known in
the West as Averroės, but also in medieval times as Avén Ruiz
and Averrhoes, was born in 1126 A.D. in Cordova, once the
illustrious capital of Moorish Spain.
The descendant of a distinguished Cordovan family of
scholars, he was the third generation of his lineage to hold the
office of qādī (judge).
One of the foremost figures of Arab civilization, he became
known as the `Prince of Science' - the master of jurisprudence,
mathematics, medicine and, above all, philosophy.
The twelfth century
produced some of the most outstanding scholars of Al-Andalus
(Muslim Spain), like the neo-Aristotelian school of thought
developed by Avempace (Ibn Bajja), Ibn Tufayl and Maimonides (Ibn
Maymūn) which was to have considerable influence on Christian
Europe. However, Ibn
Rushd, who it is said never missed reading or writing except the
day he married and the day his father died, in medieval
intellectual thought, was to overshadow them all.
In the Middle Ages,
his ideas influenced the transformation of thought in medieval
Europe. The last of
the great Muslim thinkers, his beliefs were to have an affect on
the minds of many of the Middle Ages intellectuals living well
beyond the borders of Moorish Spain.
As was the practise
of the well-known families in his time, Ibn Rushd acquired his
education within the
family, excelling in Qur`anic studies, jurisprudence, theology and
tradition. In
addition, he became versed in astronomy, literature, mathematics,
music and zoology, but his most outstanding accomplishments were in
the areas of medicine and philosophy.
Ibn Rushd owes much of
his success in life to his ardour for learning and to patronage by
the two enlightened Almohade (the ruling dynasty 1145-1269 A.D.)
caliphs Abū Ya`qūb Yusūf (1163-1184) and Abū Ya`qūb al-Mansūr
(1184-1199). Under
their rule, toleration and friendship were generally experienced by
intellectuals in contrast to the hostility to philosophy by the
Almoravides (1056-1145 A.D.), and the Malikite school in Islam which
was the main intellectual faction of Islamic thought in Al-Andalus.
After appointing Ibn
Rushd in 1169 as qādī in Seville, the Almohade Caliph Abū
Ya`qūb, two years later, brought him to Cordova and, bestowing on
him favours and honours, made him chief judge and his personal
physician. Under his
sponsorship, Ibn Rushd took on the task of commenting on Aristotle's
works. From their first
meeting, arranged by their free-thinking companion Ibn Tufayl, Ibn
Rushd and Abū Ya`qūb became great friends.
Livermore writes describing this encounter:
"Averroės,
the great reviewer of Islamic thought, tells how, on first being
presented to Abū Ya`qūb, he found him alone with Ibn Tufayl and
`after a few friendly enquiries about my family, the Emir suddenly
asked my opinion about the nature of Heaven and Creation'.
Aware of the narrow views of the faqihs, Averroės cautiously
replied that he had not given much thought to these matters,
whereupon Abū Ya`qūb opened thediscussion by stating the opinions
of Plato and Aristotle."
Thereafter in private,
Ibn Rushd was able to discuss Greek philosophy freely with Abū Ya`qūb
who encouraged him to write his commentaries on the works of
Aristotle.
Early in his life Ibn
Rushd greatly admired Aristotle and considered him a giant who had
attained the truth. He
regarded Aristotle as embodying the highest development of the human
intellect. It is
said that Ibn Rushd understood, and interpreted and analytically
discussed Aristotle's true thoughts more than any of his Muslim
predecessors or contemporaries.
Ibn Rushd maintained
that the deepest truths must be approached by means of rational
analysis and that philosophy could lead to the final truth.
He accepted revelation and attempted to harmonize religion
with philosophy without synthesizing them or obliterating their
differences. He
believed that the Qur`an contained the highest truth while
maintaining that its words should not be taken literally. He
argued that as the milk-sister of religion, philosophy confirms and
does not contradict the sharī`ah (revelation).
To Ibn Rushd, the
supremacy of the human intellect doe not allow for the possible
contradiction between science and revelation. He
gives religion an important role in the life of the state,
considering that the scriptures when philosophically understood are
far more superior to the religion of pure reason.
Striving to bring the two together, he wrote that in case of
differences, provided scriptural language does not violate the
principles of reason, that is, it does not commit a contradiction,
science should give way.
Ibn Rushd is also noted
for developing a theory of the intellect, which greatly influenced
the history of Aristotelian scholarship.
Many Aristotelian scholars, past and present, believe that it
represents a correct understanding of Aristotle.
It, however, goes beyond Aristotle and is rightly identified
with Ibn Rushd. The
theory is difficult and there has been controversy in interpreting
it. It has been
understood, in a general way, to mean that he envisaged the human
soul as part of an all-embracing divine soul. Like a number of others in his time, he attempted to draw a
picture of the ultimate truth by a mixture of analytical arguments
and innate intuition derived from man's participation in the devine-world
soul.
He contended that
philosophy is nothing more the systematic probing into the
phenomenon of creation, revealing God's wisdom and might.
Hence, revelation dictates the study of philosophy. Ibn
Rushd tried to reconcile the Aristotelian precept of the eternity,
which seemingly denied the creation of the world, to the creationism
in Jewish, Christian and Muslim theology.
Ibn Rushd believed that
God was timeless and His creative effort continuous.
He theorized that the world is continuously developing on
what existed before and taking on new shape. According
to Ibn Rushd, God created time as well as the world, and He may have
created it from all eternity inasmuch as He is Himself without
cause.
Chejne elaborates
further on some of Ibn Rushd's ideas.
He writes:
"To Averroės,
the world has been moving from eternity and has an Eternal Mover (Muharrik),
which is God. Matter
and form are inseparable except in the mind; there is a hierarchy of
existing beings and forms. Matter
is always in motion, whereas the intellect is motionless and
perceives itself. The
soul is one in all men, but is maintained separately by bodies, and
its relation to the body is like the relation between form and matter."
Better still, the views
of Ibn Rushd are best expressed by himself:
"The
world and its workings were necessary and invariable because God
Himself, by definition, had to be and did not change.
Informed by the active intelligence of the deity, they could
be scarcely be otherwise. The
fantastic flight of the mind into a realm of the ultimate,
immaterial reality was thereby arrested. A world which had to be could not be at the
bottom of the scale of being. The
qualities which were the laws of its nature were realized in the
physical objects they found from the matter of the elements.
Seen by the eye as fleeting individual shapes, perceived by
the intellect as permanent
generalizations, they remained locked into these things as
the stamp of the die in the metal was locked in an Almohad coin.
Here lay knowledge, for the mind, being itself a necessary
part of the natural order, could be absolutely sure of its logic was
that of creation, and that it could in consequence learn the final
truth. The disclosures
of revelation, the highest secrets of God, were susceptible to
rational explanation. In
a law-abiding universe, that was as much an article of faith as the
converse, that rational explanation must be believed."
On the other hand, Ibn
Rushd believed that the words of God express truth in imaged
symbolic language that the non-philosopher majority can understand.
Aware of the
inconsistency between those who believed through religious faith and
others who believed by use of reason, Ibn Rushd held that both
philosophy and revealed religion were true, arguing that truth is
comprehended on different levels. He
contended that even if philosophers were mistaken in their
interpretation of scriptures, their error is permissible.
One of the greatest
exponents of Arab philosophy, he tried to modify philosophical ideas
to harmonize with those of religion. In an
essay, The Harmony of Religions and Philosophy, he asserts
"since philosophy is true and the revealed scriptures are true
there can be no disharmony between them.
Ibn Rushd proposed a
dual method of expounding theology, one for
intellectuals and another for the masses in general.
Further, he wrote that Muslim leaders should prohibit books
of religious science for those not versed in these works.
To him, the holy texts
are clothed in perceivable images and their truths can be reached by
exercising the process of thought.
His views, in the intellectual world of medieval Christendom,
earned him the undeserved reputation of having preached a `double
truth', a theory which he did not teach, namely `a
proposition may be true in theology while its opposite is true in
philosophy'.
Ibn Rushd explains that
there are three types of men: the first, and largest in number, is
receptive to ideas that can be expressed logically; the second is
amenable to persuasion and the third, few in numbers, will only be
convinced by conclusive evidence.
He believed that to the simple masses, one must speak of
religion, but to the enlightened few one may disclose scientific
truth.
In his daily life Ibn
Rushd did not like power or possessions and was humble and generous,
believing that a virtuous person is one who gives to an enemy.
A compassionate and tender human being, he decried the
position of women in society, who he said only lived for
childbearing and suckling. Moved
to compassion for their misery, he wrote that women were so reduced
in servitude that all their capacity for higher pursuits had been
destroyed. He was
saddened by their fate, stating that they only live like plants,
looking after their men. This
compelled him to write:
"Our society
allows no scope for the development of women's talents.
They seem to be destined exclusively to childbirth and the
care of children, and this state of servility has destroyed their
capacity for larger matters. It
is thus that we see no women endowed with moral
virtues; they live their lives like vegetables, devoting
themselves to their husbands. From
this stems the misery that pervades our cities, for women outnumber
men by more than double and cannot procure the necessities of life
by their own labours."
Besides writing some 38
philosophical works, Ibn Rushd's works spanned a wide field of
knowledge which included: a commentary on Galen's writings; and
books in connection with astronomy, music, poetry and rhetoric.
He was also a distinguished physician, having studied
medicine in Seville under the famous physician, Abū Harun al-Tajali.
His writings include 16 excellent medical works, topped by Kulliyat
fī 'l-tibb, a medical encyclopedia of seven volumes dealing
with anatomy, diagnosis, materia medica, pathology, physiology and
general therapeutics.
The volumes were
translated, in 1255 A.D., into Latin under the title Colliget.
This work was reprinted several times and surpassed all other
medical works in the Middle Ages. As a memorial, Ibn Rushd's statues have been placed in the
vestibule of the University of Barcelona and along the ancient walls
in the city of Cordova.
In the Muslim world,
Ibn Rushd is known, above all, for his Tahāfut al-Tahāfut al-Falāsifa
(The Collapse of Collapse of the Philosophers) and Mabādi
'l-Falāsifah) (The Beginning of Philosophy).
In Tahāfut al-Tahāfut, al-Falāsifah, Ibn Rushd
bitterly attacked Al-Ghazālī's - Tahāfut al-Falāsifah (Self
Destruction of the Philosophers), a work in which the l2th
century theologian Al-Ghazālī sought a strengthening of piety by
attacking the philosophers.
Ibn Rushd, point by
point, discusses the error in Al-Ghazālī's approach. He asserts that the evidence brought out by Al-Ghazālī's
attack on philosophers emerged when isolated parts of philosophy
were taken out of context, appearing to contradict the remainder. He goes on to say that the only acceptable way would be to
show the entire system in question contradicting reality as it is.
In the Christian and
Jewish worlds, Ibn Rushd is renowned for his important commentaries
on Aristotle; and in his works, namely Talkhīs (resume),
Jāmi` (summary), and Tafsīr or Sharh
(a long commentary). These
had an important hand in paving the way for the European
Renaissance. Strange as
it may seem, even though Ibn Rushd's Great Commentary left a
deep impression on western students and caused an absolute upheaval
in the West, it had hardly any effect on eastern Islamic thought.
Many of his
commentaries have been lost. The
only ones which still exist are a number of his translated works
which have survived in Latin. Yet,
even these few give us an idea of how outstanding were the thoughts
of that renowned Muslim philosopher.
When, in 1184, Al-Mansūr
took over as caliph, like his father, he kept Ibn Rushd as his
physician and advisor. In
the same fashion as he had with Abū Ya`qūb Yusūf, Ibn Rushd
enjoyed great favour with the new caliph who always called him
brother and gave him in marriage to one of his daughters.
In the ensuing years,
Ibn Rushd was prolific in his literary output. The upper classes appreciated his controversial writings, but
to the masses he was an enemy.
He came under attack by fundamentalists for his vigorous
defence in reconciling the tradition of Greek philosophy with the
teachings of Islam. His views were so offensive to the zealots that once they had
him stoned in the Great Mosque of Cordova.
Referring to fanatics destroying a famous library in Cordova,
Ibn Rushd is reported to have exclaimed, "There is no tyranny
on earth like the tyranny of priests."
Even though Al-Mansūr
was an enlightened ruler, seeing the dangers facing Islam and
wishing to appease the conservative scholars, he accused Ibn Rushd
of heresy and ordered the burning of some of his books. He
needed the support of the Malikite jurists in his fight against the
Castilians. To maintain
appearance, Al-Mansūr had to remove Ibn Rushd from his post as qādī
and exile him for a time from his court in Marrakesh to Al-Isalah,
now known as Lucena, near Cordova.
However, another story
has it that Ibn Rushd, in one of his works on zoology, referred to
Al-Mansūr as `King of the Berbers' - a derogatory expression among
the Arabs in Muslim Spain. This
is supposed to have greatly displeased the caliph and was the reason
for his exile.
After Al-Mansūr, in
1195, won the Battle of Alarcos, Muslim Spain relaxed and fanaticism
subsided. Ibn Rushd was
pardoned, but he was by this time utterly disillusioned.
He returned, a short time before he passed away on December
10, 1198, to once again serve in the caliph's court.
Nevertheless, his death
did not sweep away his ideas. In
the subsequent centuries, they were to ignite the fire of change in
Christian Europe. It
was through the translations of Ibn Rushd's Commentaries on
Aristotle into Latin in the 13th century by Michael Scotus, a Scot,
and Hermannus Alemannus, a German, that the revival of true
Aristotelianism took place in the West. In fact, Roger Bacon acknowledged that Scotus was largely
responsible for the most important change in the history of medieval
thought which resulted from the introduction of Ibn Rushd's
Aristotle to the Christian West.
Through these
translations of Ibn Rushd's works, the subject of harmony between
reason and faith was passed on to Christian Europe, giving impetus to the development of rationalism.
This new thought moving into Christian Europe, bringing about
the West's emancipation from the thoughts of Plato was much less
evident in the Muslim East.
In the previous
centuries, before Ibn Rushd, there was much confusion among Muslim
thinkers in understanding Aristotle and, hence, a good number
distorted his thoughts. More
than any other Muslim philosopher before him, Ibn Rushd was able to
recover the genuine Aristotle which the West, by way of the
translations, was later to discover.
In the ensuing
centuries Ibn Rushd's works were taught in the universities of
Christian Europe, unleashing a movement in the West that led to the
victory of Aristotelian ideas over the once prevailing Platonic
thought. Through
his commentaries on the works of Aristotle Ibn Rushd, now known in
the West as Averroės, played a leading role in the revival and
development of Christian scholasticism.
In spite of the fact
that many Muslim scholars found his approach too rationalistic, his
writings were a mine of ideas and information for Christian
philosophers, creating turmoil in the minds of many medieval
European intellectuals. For
four centuries - from the 12th to the 16th - his works were subject
to heated debate and dialogue among the scholars in Christian
Europe, forcing the Church to modify its teachings.
From among the medieval
Latin religious literature, St. Thomas Aquinas's Summa Theologia
was to a great extent inspired by the views of Averroės, even
though it also took issue with some of these views. Many
of the freethinking Latin-Christians of Europe felt him to be one of
their own, even Hispanizing his name to Avén Ruiz.
However, his
commentaries held views unacceptable to Orthodox Christians and
caused much perplexity for these traditional Christians since many
of Averroės's theories ran counter to the hallowed teachings of the
Church. Yet, his views had a very profound affect on medieval
Christian theology.
On the other hand, a
number of Christians studied his works solely to comment on his
errors. Some,
like Arnold of Vila Nova (1240-1311), decried the reliance of
Christian thoughts upon infidel teachings and, in order to defeat
them, openly altered Ibn Rushd's ideas. At
about the same time, a group of scholars, in the 13th century, known
as Averroists, whose principal exponent was Siger of Brabant, openly
declared themselves as adherents of Averroės, incurring the fury of
the Church leaders.
Also, a number of
European scholars misunderstood some of his teachings and this led
to a line of thought called `Averroism' which was once thought to
mean that philosophy was true and revealed religion false. This
Averroism was discredited by Aquinas, but which, also, Averroės
himself would have disavowed. This
false interpretation of Ibn Rushd's doctrine was considered as
sacrilegious by the Church and universally denounced by its leaders.
Yet, the Averroist
conception of the eternity of matter and God's communication with
things through the medium of an active intellect, continued to be a vital factor in European belief
until the dawn of modern experimental science.
Averroės and Averroism, for hundreds of years, provoked
intense arguments in the academic circles of Christian Europe.
Although the Islamic
and Arab world were to see other great thinkerssuch as Ibn Khaldun (d.
1406) and Mulla Sadr (d. 1641), Averroės remains one of the
greatest of the Islamic philosophers.
He became known in both East and West as the Shārih
(the Commentator) because of his explanation and comments on the
works of Aristotle. The most genuine and last of all the Aristotelian
philosophers, his ideas affected much of the philosophical and
theological ideas in medieval Europe, strangely with the exception
of the Christians in the Iberian Peninsula.
Endowed with powerful
logic, a keen understanding and an sharp mind, he believed in the
ability of reason to fathom the utmost secrets of the universe. However,
he came too late to bring about any revival of philosophy in the
eastern Islamic countries - there, the theories of Al-Ghazālī,
whose books were banned in Al-Andalus by the Almoravides, were to
reign supreme.
With Averroės,
philosophy reached its epitome in Muslim Spain. But his ideas were far too advanced for the world of his
time. The
sophistication of his teachings can be seen by the ease with which
his thoughts and interpretations can be adapted to include even the
notion of evolution.
A convinced
Aristotelian, his admiration of Aristotle never wavered all through
his literary career. One
must agree with Read when he writes:
"The great
virtue of Averroės' work was that he did not allow later thinkers
to obscure the original; deeply imbued by Aristotle's thought, he
transmitted his writings for the first time in genuinely
Aristotelian fashion.
With the passing away
of what some historians say was the most eminent philosopher who
wrote in Arabic, the long practised toleration of the Muslims in the
Iberian Peninsula came to an end.
Yet, thanks to Averroės, the seeds of the Renaissance were
sown in Europe.
Habeeb Salloum
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Adams,
N.B., The Heritage of Spain - An Introduction to Spanish
Civilization, Henry
Holt and Company, New York, 1943.
Al-Makkarī,
A.M., translated by Pascual de Gayangos, The History of the
Mohammedan Dynasties in Spain, Vol. I, Johnson Reprint Corp.,
New York, 1964.
Atiyah,
E., The Arabs, Penguin Books, Edinburgh, 1955.
Barcia,
J.R., edited by, Américo
Castro and the Meaning of Spanish Civilization, University of
California Press, Berkeley, 1976.
Brett,
M., The Moors, Islam and the West, Orbis Publishing, London,
1985.
Burckhardt,
T., Moorish Culture in Spain, George Allen & Unwin, Ltd.,
London, 1972.
Castro,
A., The Structure of Spanish History, Princeton University
Press, Princeton, 1954.
Castro,
A., The Spaniards - An Introduction to Their History,
University of California Press, Berkeley, 1971.
Chejne,
A., Muslim Spain - Its History and Culture, The university of
Minnesota Press, Minneapolis, 1974.
Cobb,
S., Islamic Contributions to Civilization, Avalon Press,
Washington, 1963.
Crow,
J.A., Spain - The Root and the Flower, University of
California Press, Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1985.
Descola,
J., A History of Spain, Alfred A. Knopf, Inc., New York,
1963.
Glick,
T.F., Islamic and Christian Spain in the Early Middle Ages,
Princeton University Press, Princeton, 1979.
Hole,
E., Andalus Spain Under the Muslims, Robert Hale Ltd.,
London, 1958.
Huart,
C., A History of Arabic Literature, William Heinemann,
London, 1903.
Imamuddin,
S.M., Muslim Spain - 711-1492 A.D., E.J. Brill, Leiden, 1965.
Livermore,
H., A History of Spain, George Allan & Unwin Ltd.,
London, 1966.
Lowe,
A., The Companion Guide to the South of Spain, Collins,
London, 1973.
MacKay,
A., Spain in the Middle Ages - From Frontier to Empire 1000-1500,
The Macmillan Press Ltd., London, 1977.
Marmura,
M.E., "God and His Creation: Two Medieval Islamic Views",
in Introduction to Islamic Civilization, ed. R.M. Savory,
Cambridge University Press, London, 1976, pp. 46-53.
Metlitzki,
Dorothee, The Matter of Araby in Medieval England, Yale
University Press Ltd., London, 1977.
O`Callaghan,
J.F., A History of Medieval Spain, Cornell University Press,
Ithaca, New York, 1975.
Read,
J., The Moors in Spain and Portugal, Faber and Faber, London,
1974.
Russell,
P.E., Spain - A Companion to Spanish Studies, Methuen &
Co. Ltd., London, 1973.
Savory,
R.M., Introduction to Islamic Civilization, Cambridge
University Press, London, 1976
Stewart,
D., The Alhambra, Newsweek, New York, 1977.
Watt,
W.M., A History of Islamic Spain, Edinburgh University Press,
Edinburgh, 1965.
Chejne, A., Muslim Spain - Its History and
Culture, p.328.
Livermore, H., A History of Spain, p. 125.
Chejne, A., op.cit., p. 329.
O`Callaghan, J.F., A History of Medieval Spain,
p. 322.
Stewart, D., The Alhambra, p. 77.
Burckhardt, T.,
Moorish Culture in Spain, p. 141.
Chejne, A., op.cit., p. 330.
Crow, J.A., Spain - The Root and the Flower,
p. 66.
Adams, N.B., The Heritage of Spain, p. 20.
Read, J., The Moors in Spain and Portugal, p.
178.
Marmura, M.E., "God and His Creation: Two
Medieval
Islamic Views", in Introduction
to Islamic
Civilization, ed. R.M. Savory, p. 52.
Read, J., op.cit, p. 179.
Steward, D., The Alhambra, p. 76.
Chejne, A., op.cit, p. 330.
Brett, M., The Moors - Islam and the West, p.
103.
O`Callaghan, J.F., Op.cit., p. 323.
Marmura, M.E., op.cit, p. 52
Imamuddin, S.M., Muslim Spain - 711-1492, p.
154.
Watt, W.M., A History of Islamic Spain, p.
141.
Castro, A., The Spaniards, p. 527.
Burckhardt, T., op.cit., p. 142.
O`Callaghan, J.F., op.cit., p. 323.
Burckhardt, T., op.cit., p. 142.
Hole, E., Andalus Spain Under The Muslims, p.
126.
Read, J., op.cit., p. 77.
Burckhardt, T., op.cit., p. 142.
Imamuddin, S.M., op.cit., p. 154.
Burckhardt, T., op.cit., p. 145.
Imamuddin, S.M., op.cit, p. 155.
Al-Makkarī, A.M., The History of the Mohammedan
Dynasties in
Spain,Vol. 1, p. xx.
Crow, J.A., op.cit., p. 66.
Chejne, A., op.cit., p. 330.
Al-Makkarī, A.M., op.cit., Vol. I, p. xx.
Metlitzki, D., The Matter of Araby in Medieval
England,
p. 47.
Chejne, A., op.cit., p. 327.
Metlitzki, D., op.cit. p. 48.
Watt, W.M., op.cit., p. 140.
Burckhardt, T., op.cit., p. 163.
Imamuddin, S.M., op.cit., pp. 154-155.
Castro, A., The Spaniards, p. 520,
Castro, A., The Structure of Spanish History,
p. 606.
Russell, P.E., Spain - A Companion to Spanish
Studies, p. 56.
Castro, A., The Spaniards, p. 538.
Glick, T.F., Islamic and Christian Spain in the
Early Middle
Ages, p. 275.
O`Callaghan, J.F., op.cit., p. 323.
Chejne, A., op.cit., p. 331.
Adams, N.B., op.cit., p. 20.
Descola, J.A., A History of Spain, p. 161.
Chejne, A., op.cit., p. 329.
Castro, A., The Spaniards, p. 554.
Watt, W.M., op.cit., p. 141.
Stewart, D., op.cit., p. 76.
Read, J., op.cit., p. 179.
|